Authors: Mary Boyle and Lucy Johnstone
In October 2018,
the world’s first global ministerial mental health summit will be held in
London. A statement from the UK government’s Department of Health and Social Care
tells us that
ministers, leading academics, policymakers and patients from more than 30
countries will be invited to attend, and anticipates many positive outcomes. It
is hoped that the global summit "can play a central role in changing the
story for millions of people around the world experiencing mental illness"
and that the summit will be "the next step on a journey to a new level of
cooperation between nations so that we can improve people’s access to
evidence-based services and bear down on stigma and other factors that are
exacerbating this crisis."
(https://www.gov.uk/government/news/worlds-first-global-ministerial-mental-health-summit-to-be-held-in-london)
But this entirely
positive presentation is at odds with widespread concerns about the Global Mental
Health Movement with its aim of "scaling up" psychiatric services in
low and middle income countries, where there is said to be a "treatment
gap" depriving the majority of people of Western interventions. (Movement for
Global Mental Health (MGMH)
The movement is
based on Western notions of distress as illness, on diagnosable
"disorders" which can be "treated" by drugs or
psychological therapy. Much emphasis is
placed on "global disease burden" as an impediment to productivity
and development, and on the importance of "treatment" to reduce
economic costs and poverty. Even when some researchers and professionals try to
get beyond this medicalised perspective, the Western version is still sometimes
seen as more valid or "correct". As psychiatrist Derek Summerfield, an
outspoken critic of the movement, puts it, "The socio-culturally
determined understandings that people bring to bear…seem little more than
epiphenomenal. Underneath the cultural packaging lies the psychopathology…[the]
universal and the “real” problem "1
(p524). This is also evident
in DSM-5’s discussion of "cultural concepts of distress". Their importance seems to lie in supporting
"correct" – and by implication more scientific – DSM diagnoses,
encouraging engagement with services and helping to identify "patterns of
comorbidity and underlying biological substrates".
Critics2,3 have
argued that this involves a new and insidious form of colonisation, less
visible, and perhaps harder to resist than old forms. Claims about science and
evidence-base hide the fact that psychiatric diagnostic systems, based as they
are on social and cultural judgements about normative thoughts, feelings and behaviour,
are "Western cultural documents par excellence"4. Instead, diagnostic systems are presented as
identifying universal and primarily biological "mental disorders".
The Global Mental Health Movement threatens to marginalise non-Western
knowledge and practice, sometimes under the heading of extending "mental
health literacy". Some local
practices such as beating or shackling are rightly depicted as inhumane, but
with no mention of local Western practices such as forced drugging or ECT,
which may also be experienced as violence.
Framing mental
suffering as illness paves the way for the promotion of drugs as first-line
treatments, opening new markets for pharmaceutical sales. This is in spite of
evidence that "severe mental distress" often has better outcomes in
the Global South, where psychotropic drugs are less easily available. And while the movement emphasises the
reduction of stigma – a key aim of the October summit – the evidence points
clearly in the other direction, that biological or brain-based explanations
actually increase stigma, not least by increasing perceptions of unpredictability,
dangerousness and "otherness".
Above all, framing
mental suffering as illness distracts attention from social, political and
economic causes which apply across the globe, including poverty and income
inequalities, child abuse and gender-based violence, racial discrimination, war
and conflict, environmental degradation and disruption of family and community
relations. This is where the evidence
base lies, yet far more research time and money are spent searching for the
still elusive biological causes of "mental disorders".
Are there
alternatives to all this which acknowledge our shared humanity and shared
capacity to be harmed by social and economic adversity, while also
acknowledging that the experience and expression of distress are profoundly
shaped by cultural contexts?
The recently launched Power Threat Meaning
Framework, co-produced by a core team of psychologists and survivors, offers
one possibility.
Also, view a trailer at,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qCMCzAy6wOs
The Framework is a conceptual system incorporating
social, psychological and biological factors as an alternative to functional
psychiatric diagnosis. It draws on a wide range of research highlighting that
many of the adversities associated with mental distress, including poverty,
discrimination and social and economic inequalities, along with traumas such as
violence and abuse, involve the operation of various forms of power. We show that the negative operation of power
may pose a range of threats to the individual, the group and the community,
related to what we might think of as "core needs" such as for safety
and security; as infants and children,
close attachments to caregivers; positive
relationships within partnerships, families, friendships and communities; to have some control over important aspects of
our lives, including our bodies and emotions; to meet basic physical and
material needs for ourselves and dependants; to have a sense of justice or
fairness about our circumstances; to feel valued by others and effective in our
social roles; to engage in meaningful activity and, more generally, to have a
sense of hope, meaning and purpose in our lives.
Faced with threat, humans can draw on a range of
evolved and acquired threat responses that help ensure emotional, physical,
relational and social survival. These embodied responses can range from
evolved, largely automatic biological responses such as
fight/flight/freeze/dissociate, to language-based or consciously chosen responses
much more open to shaping by local norms and meanings, and so more
culture-specific. These include suspicious thoughts, self-harm, repetitive
rituals, restricted eating, and taking drugs. In Western diagnostic systems, it
is these threat responses that are often labelled as symptoms, rather than being
seen as understandable attempts to protect, endure and survive. In thinking about the impact of threats, we
emphasise ideological power, or in other words power over language, meaning and
perspective, highlighting the central role of meaning in shaping the operation,
experience and expression of power, threat, and our responses to threat. The
Framework takes the view that the imposition of a psychiatric diagnosis –
concepts that are acknowledged to lack validity, and which obscure the link
between life circumstances and our responses to them – is a prime example of
the use of ideological power.
A key purpose of the PTM Framework is to aid the
provisional identification of broad, evidence-based patterns in distress,
unusual experiences and troubled or troubling behaviour. These are not universal patterns in biology, but patterns
of embodied, meaning-based threat responses to the negative operation of power.
The patterns fulfil one of the main aims of the Framework, to restore the links
between meaning-based threats and meaning-based threat responses. They are
described by verbs, as what people do, and the functions these actions serve, rather
than disorders they have. The patterns are
overlapping, not separate; they cut across diagnostic groups, don’t assume
"pathology", and arise out of personal, social and cultural meanings.
We suggest seven provisional General
Patterns including "Surviving disrupted attachments and adversities as a
child/young person"; "Surviving separation and identity
confusion"; and "Surviving single threats".
How is this relevant to global mental health? The
PTM Framework offers a possible solution to the dilemma about the application
of Western psychiatric diagnostic systems to non-Western cultures and
expressions of distress. We argue that all the elements in any pattern of
distress are shaped by culture, meaning and developmental stages. This means
that these patterns will always be provisional and to some extent local,
specific to an individual, a social group, a community, a culture and a
historical period. There are no separate "culture bound syndromes" –
all expressions of distress are culture bound as are judgements about what are
seen as problematic, or adaptive actions and feelings. The Framework doesn’t
just allow, but predicts the existence of widely varying cultural experiences
and expressions of distress without positioning some of them as true
"disorders" and others as "culture bound" variations. As such, it encourages respect for the
numerous ways in which distress is manifested and healed around the world.
We also argue that the expressions and experiences
of distress within a society in any historical period will be likely, at some
level, to reflect a mismatch (perceived or actual) with its values and
expectations, as conveyed through social norms, discourses and ideological
meanings. In Western industrialised societies (and to an extent in rapidly
industrialising societies) we might expect common patterns of distress to
centre around themes such as struggling to: achieve in line with accepted
definitions of success; separate and individuate from one’s family of origin in
early adulthood; fit in with standards about body size, shape and weight, fulfil
wage labour roles; meet normative gender expectations; compete successfully for
material goods, meet emotional and support needs within a nuclear family
structure; as an older person, cope with retirement and isolation and so on. We might also find common patterns of distress
relating to the core human needs most likely to be threatened by the negative
impacts of industrialisation and neoliberalism, such as social exclusion,
marginalisation and community fragmentation. And, in Euro/North American cultures, we might
expect to see an increased risk of attracting a diagnosis as a response to
experiences that challenge Western concepts of personhood, such as expressing
"irrational" beliefs, unusual spiritual experiences, and experiences
such as hearing voices which do not fit with the notion of a unitary self.
The Power Threat
and Meaning elements can be seen as providing a meta-framework based on evolved
human capabilities and threat responses. This includes universal capacities for
creating meaning and exercising agency, within material and biosocial
limitations and cultural understandings. How these elements come together to
produce particular patterns of distress across time and cultures will continue
to shift and change along with wider cultural meanings and upheavals as well as
the contents of diagnostic manuals – all of which provide culturally recognised
ways of expressing mental suffering. The seven General Patterns we describe are
from a Western perspective. There will be other patterns that are more relevant
to groups and societies with different social structures and worldviews. We
very tentatively include illustrative suggestions about the functions some of
the "cultural syndromes" listed in DSM and ICD may perform when seen
from a PTMF perspective. And, although the seven General Patterns are likely to
apply mainly to individuals and families, we also stress that patterns
describing the traumatisation or denigration of a whole community might be a
more natural starting point, for example for communities affected by war,
natural disaster, or large scale loss of culture, identity, heritage, land,
language, rituals and belief systems.
The PTM Framework
and its General Patterns can be used to help people create more hopeful
narratives or stories about their lives and difficulties, compatible with a
wide range of ways of helping people move forward. In Western settings, these
narratives are usually verbal and at the level of individual or family but
there are many examples of narrative and dialogical practices in relation to
mental distress across the globe, reflecting the universal nature of meaning
making and storytelling. Narratives at the level of the social group or
community may be more valued in collectivist cultures. These perspectives are
underemphasised in more individualistic cultures, despite strong evidence about
the central importance of relationships and community ties for emotional
well-being in all societies.
The PTM Framework and
General Patterns are emphatically not a model for export or imposition in the
manner of a diagnostic system. However, the core elements of Power, Threat,
Meaning and Threat response are probably universal with variations in how these
come together in culturally recognisable patterns of distress at different
times and in different places. Although most mental health and related work,
especially in the West, is aimed at the individual, we argue that meaning and
distress must also be understood at social, community and cultural levels. We
see the Framework as applying equally to understanding, intervention and social
action in a wider sense. In other words, the Framework aligns with a recent UN
report recommending a shift in focus towards “power imbalance” rather than
“chemical imbalance” 5.
Mary Boyle and Lucy
Johnstone (Lead authors of the Power Threat Meaning Framework.) The Power
Threat Meaning Framework documents and resources can be found here:
Also see,
https://www.madinamerica.com/author/ljohnstone/
https://www.madinamerica.com/2013/05/uk-clinical-psychologists-call-for-the-abandonment-of-psychiatric-diagnosis-and-the-disease-model/
References
1. Summerfield,, D.
(2012). "Afterword: Against ‘global mental health’". Transcultural Psychiatry, 49, 519-530.
2. Fernando, S.
(2014). Mental health worldwide: Culture,
globalisation and development. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.
3. Mills, C. (2014)
Decolonising
Global Mental Health: The psychiatrization of the majority world. London: Routledge.
4. Summerfield, D.
(2008). "How scientifically valid is the knowledge base of global mental health?"
The British Medical Journal, 336,992-994.
5.UN General
Assembly (2017). "Report of the special Rapporteur on the right of
everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and
mental health". United Nations Human Rights Council.
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